
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH 

Like Richard Nixon, George Bush was a strong anti-marijuana/hemp
president, escalating the so-called "war on drugs" begun by Nixon. And,
like Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting the Nazis in
the Republican's closet. In fact, support for the Nazis was a Bush
family tradition which goes back more than six decades and, once again,
to Allen Dulles. 

Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts well
before he launched his own career. It goes back to the 1920s, when the
Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall Street were making their
deals with the Nazis. . . ." 

THE BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION

     "George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake and
     maternal grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker, a native of St.
     Louis, who founded the banking and investment firm of G.  H.
     Walker and Company in 1900.  Later the company shifted from St.
     Louis to the prestigious address of 1 Wall Street.  .  .  .
     
     "Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial supporters in
     the United States.  The relationship went all the way back to 1924,
     when Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing
     Hitler's infant Nazi party.  As mentioned in earlier chapters,
     there were American contributors as well.
     
     "Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections to
     Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell
     because they supported Fascism.  The Dulles brothers, who were in
     it for profit more than ideology, arranged American investments in
     Nazi Germany in the 1930s to ensure that their clients did well out
     of the German economic recovery.  .  .  .
     
     "Sullivan & Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in funding
     Germany.  According to 'The Splendid Blond Beast,' Christopher
     Simpson's seminal history of the politics of genocide and profit,
     Brown Brothers, Harriman was another bank that specialized in
     investments in Germany.  The key figure was Averill Harriman, a
     dominating figure in the American establishment.  .  .  .
     
     "The firm originally was known as W. A.  Harriman & Company.  The
     link between Harriman & Company's American investors and Thyssen
     started in the 1920s, through the Union Banking Corporation, which
     began trading in 1924.  In just one three-year period, the Harriman
     firm sold more than $50 million of German bonds to American
     investors.  'Bert' Walker was Union Banking's president, and the
     firm was located in the offices of Averill Harriman's company at 39
     Broadway in New York.
     
     "In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law, Prescott
     Bush.  It was the sort of favor families do to help their children
     make a start in life, but Prescott came to regret it bitterly.
     Walker made Prescott vice president of W. A.  Harriman.  The
     problem was that Walker's specialty was companies that traded with
     Germany.  As Thyssen and the other German industrialists
     consolidated Hitler's political power in the 1930s, an American
     financial connection was needed.  According to our sources, Union
     Banking became an out-and-out Nazi money-laundering machine.  .  .
     .
     
     "In [1931], Harriman & Company merged with a British-American
     investment company to become Brown Brothers, Harriman.  Prescott
     Bush became one of the senior partners of the new company, which
     relocated to 59 Broadway, while Union Banking remained at 39
     Broadway.  But in 1934 Walker arranged to put his son-in-law on the
     board of directors of Union Banking.

     "Walker also set up a deal to take over the North American
     operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G. Farben's
     Nazi espionage unit in the United States.  The shipping line
     smuggled in German agents, propaganda, and money for bribing
     American politicians to see things Hitler's way.  The holding
     company was Walker's American Shipping & Commerce, which shared the
     offices at 39 Broadway with Union Banking.  In an elaborate
     corporate paper trail, Harriman's stock in American Shipping &
     Commerce was controlled by yet another holding company, the
     Harriman Fifteen Corporation, run out of Walker's office.  The
     directors of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and
     Prescott Bush.  .  .  .
     
     ".  .  .  In a November 1935 article in Common Sense, retired
     marine general Smedley D.  Butler blamed Brown Brothers, Harriman
     for having the U.S. marines act like 'racketeers' and 'gangsters'
     in order to exploit financially the peasants of Nicaragua.  .  .  .
     
     ".  .  .  A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker's
     'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi
     propaganda efforts both in Germany and the United States.'  Walker
     did not know it, but one of his American employees, Dan Harkins,
     had blown the whistle on the spy apparatus to Congress.  Harkins,
     one of our best sources, became Roosevelt's first double agent .  .
     .  [and] kept up the pretense of being an ardent Nazi sympathizer,
     while reporting to Naval Intelligence on the shipping company's
     deals with Nazi intelligence.
     
     "Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the authors, "Bush
     hired a lawyer to hide the assets.  The lawyer he hired had
     considerable expertise in such underhanded schemes.  It was Allen
     Dulles.  According to Dulles's client list at Sullivan & Cromwell,
     his first relationship with Brown Brothers, Harriman was on June
     18, 1936.  In January 1937 Dulles listed his work for the firm as
     'Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil] Investing stock.'
     
     "As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey had
     completed a major stock transaction with Dulles's Nazi client, I.G.
     Farben.  By the end of January 1937 Dulles had merged all his
     cloaking activities into one client account: 'Brown Brothers
     Harriman-Schroeder Rock.'  Schroeder, of course, was the Nazi bank
     on whose board Dulles sat.  The 'Rock' were the Rockefellers of
     Standard Oil, who were already coming under scrutiny for their Nazi
     deals.  By May 1939 Dulles handled another problem for Brown
     Brothers, Harriman, their 'Securities Custodian Accounts.'
     
     "If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding companies
     Brown Brothers, Harriman was connected with, he did not do a very
     good job.  Shortly after Pearl Harbor, word leaked from Washington
     that affiliates of Prescott Bush's company were under investigation
     for aiding the Nazis in time of war.  .  .  .
     
     ".  .  .  The government investigation against Prescott Bush
     continued.  Just before the storm broke, his son, George, abandoned
     his plans to enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Army.  It was, say
     our sources among the former intelligence officers, a valiant
     attempt by an eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's honor.

     "Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when the U.S.
     government charged his father with running Nazi front groups in the
     United States.  Under the Trading with the Enemy Act, all the
     shares of the Union Banking Corporation were seized, including
     those held by Prescott Bush as being in effect held for enemy
     nationals.  Union Banking, of course, was an affiliate of Brown
     Brothers, Harriman, and Bush handled the Harrimans' investments as
     well.
     
     "Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the whole story
     of the intricate web of Nazi front corporations began to unravel.
     A few days later two of Union Banking's subsidiaries -- the Holland
     American Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment
     Corporation -- also were seized.  Then the government went after
     the Harriman Fifteen Holding Company, which Bush shared with his
     father-in-law, Bert Walker, the Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the
     Silesian-American Corporation.  The U.S. government found that huge
     sections of Prescott Bush's empire had been operated on behalf of
     Nazi Germany and had greatly assisted the German war effort."  (1)

EDWIN PAULEY

     "Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush could not get
     away from Dulles's crooked corporate network, which his grandfather
     and father had joined in the 1920s.  Wherever he turned, George
     found that the influence of the Dulles brothers was already there.
     Even when he fled to Texas to become a successful businessman on
     his own, he ran into the pirates of Wall Street.
     
     "One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the Democratic party
     later became George Bush's partner in the Mexican oil business.
     Edwin Pauley, a California oil man, was .  .  .  one of Dulles's
     covert agents in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations .  .  .
     a 'big business' Democrat.  .  .  ."

Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the Democratic
National Committee, director of the Democratic convention in 1944 and,
after Truman's election, Truman appointed him the "Petroleum Coordinator
of Lend-Lease Supplies for the Soviet Union and Britain." 

Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman appointed
Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied Reparations Committee,
with the rank of ambassador," as well as "industrial and commercial
advisor to the Potsdam Conference, 'where his chief task was to
renegotiate the reparations agreements formulated at Yalta.' As one
historian noted, the 'oil industry has always watched reparations
activities carefully.' There was a lot of money involved, and much of it
belonged to the Dulles brothers' clients." 

At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons,

     "the Dulles brothers were still shifting Nazi assets out of Europe
     for their clients as well as for their own profit.  They didn't
     want the Soviets to get their hands on these assets or even know
     that they existed.  Pauley played a significant role in solving
     this problem for the Dulles brothers.  The major part of Nazi
     Germany's industrial assets was located in the zones occupied by
     the West's forces.  As Washington's man on the ground, Pauley
     managed to deceive the Soviets for long enough to allow Allen
     Dulles to spirit much of the remaining Nazi assets out to safety.
     .  .  .
     
     "Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles brothers' Nazi
     assets, then moved into another post where he could help them
     further.  After successfully keeping German assets in Fascist
     hands, Pauley was given the job of 'surveying Japan's assets and
     determining the amount of its war debt.'  Again, it was another job
     that was crucial to the Dulles clique's secret financial and
     intelligence operations."  (2)

After Pauley retired from government work he went back to being an
independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In 1958 he founded
Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with Howard Hughes to expand oil
production in the Gulf of Mexico.

     "Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive offshore petroleum
     reserve and in 1959 became involved in a dispute with the Mexican
     Government, which considered the royalties from the wells to be too
     low.
     
     "According to our sources in the intelligence community, the oil
     dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by Mexican politicians.
     Hughes and Pauley were working for the CIA from time to time, while
     advancing their own financial interests in the lucrative Mexican
     oil fields.  Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who
     invented an intelligence money-laundering system in Mexico, which
     was later refined in the 1970s as part of Nixon's Watergate
     scandal.  At one point CIA agents used Pemex, the Mexican
     government's oil monopoly, as a business cover at the same time
     Pemex was being used as a money laundry for Pauley's campaign
     contributions.  As we shall see, the Mexican-CIA connection played
     an important part in the development of George Bush's political and
     intelligence career.  .  .  .
     
     "Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought all the
     threads of the Mexican connection together.  He was Bush's business
     associate, a front man for Dulles's CIA [Allen Dulles was CIA
     director then], and originator of the use of Mexican oil fronts to
     create a slush fund for Richard Nixon's various campaigns.  .  .  .
     
     "Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had been a
     committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since 1960.  It should be
     recalled that Nixon tried to conceal his Mexican slush fund during
     the Watergate affair by pressuring the CIA into a 'national
     security' cover-up.  The CIA, to its credit, declined to
     participate.  Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's
     work for Nixon that they could never extricate themselves.
     According to a number of our intelligence sources, the deals Bush
     cut with Pauley in Mexico catapulted him into political life.  In
     1960 Bush became a protege of Richard Nixon, who was then running
     for president of the United States.  .  .  .
     
     "The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to Richard
     Nixon, who as vice president had supervised Allen Dulles's covert
     planning for the Bay of Pigs [invasion].  For years it has been
     rumored that Dulles's client, George Bush's father, was one of the
     Republican leaders who recruited Nixon to run for Congress and
     later convinced Eisenhower to take him on as vice president.  There
     is no doubt that the two families were close.  George Bush
     described Nixon as his 'mentor.'  Nixon was a Bush supporter in his
     very first tilt at politics, during his unsuccessful run for the
     Senate in 1964, and turned out again when he entered the House two
     years later.
     
     "After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a general
     house cleaning on the basis of loyalty.  'Eliminate everyone,' he
     told John Ehrlichman about reappointments, 'except George Bush.
     Bush will do anything for our cause.'  .  .  .  According to Bush's
     account, the president told him that 'the place I really need you
     is over at the National Committee running things.'  So, in 1972,
     Nixon appointed George Bush as head of the Republican National
     Committee.
     
     "It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the 'ethnic'
     emigres a permanent part of Republican politics.  In 1972 Nixon's
     State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart
     that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in
     several key states.  Bush's tenure as head of the Republican
     National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor's 1972
     drive to transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party's
     official ethnic arm.  The groups Pasztor chose as Bush's campaign
     allies were the emigre Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the
     United States.  .  .  .

     ".  .  .  Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in several
     respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the same
     ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic
     outreach program when he first ran for president.
     
     "According to our sources in the intelligence community," state the
     authors, "it was Bush who told Nixon that the Watergate
     investigations might start uncovering the Fascist skeletons in the
     Republican party's closet.  Bush himself acknowledges that he wrote
     Nixon a letter asking him to step down.  The day after Bush did so,
     Nixon resigned.
     
     "Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president upon Nixon's
     resignation, but he was appointed U.S. ambassador to the UN.
     Nelson Rockefeller became vice president and chief damage
     controller.  He formed a special commission in an attempt to
     preempt the Senate's investigation of the intelligence community.
     The Rockefeller Commission into CIA abuses was filled with old OPC
     [Dulles's Office of Policy Coordination] hands like Ronald Reagan,
     who had been the front man back in the 1950s for the
     money-laundering organization, the Crusade for Freedom, which was
     part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom fighters' program."  (3)

In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research
organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the subject
of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major mass media ignored,
overlooked or undercovered at least ten critical stories reported in
America's alternative press that raised serious questions about the
Republican candidate, George Bush, dating from his reported role as a
CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his Presidential campaign's connection with a
network of anti-Semites with Nazi and fascist affiliations in 1988." (4)



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTES: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH

1. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp.  357-361

2. Ibid., pp.  362-364

3. Ibid., pp.  365-371

4. The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News That Didn't Make The
   News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl Jensen, Director., pp.
   230.

